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The Second Edition of this highly successful and internationally acclaimed Reader, now fully revised and updated, provides readers with a comprehensive introduction to the depth and diversity of criminological thinking.

Fler böcker av Shaun L Gabbidon

The carefully selected readings which cover the most significant theoretical and empirical work in the field, provide access to the core perspectives that underpin criminology and promote fresh debate at the interface of the different perspectives. In order to guide readers through the different perspectives, the text has a substantial introduction. Each part of the reader is also prefaced by a concise introduction that identifies the significance of each article.

They are also engaged in a project to bring to criminological theory insights to be gained from an understanding of taking a particular standpoint, that is, the use of knowledge gained through methods designed to reveal the experience of the real lives of women. The primary claim of feminists is that social science in general and criminology in particular represents a male perspective upon the world in that it focuses largely upon the crimes of men against men.

Moreover, arguably the most significant criminological fact of all, namely that women commit significantly less crime than men, is hardly engaged with either descriptively or explanatory in the literature. In other words, it is assumed that explanatory models developed to explain male crime are taken to be generalizable to women in the face of the extraordinary evidence to the contrary.

The conclusion that must be drawn is that not only can those theories not be generalized to women, but that that failure might suggest they may not explain adequately male crime either Edwards , Messerschmidt , Caulfield and Wonders However, as Menzies and Chunn argue, it is not adequate merely to 'insert' women into 'malestream' criminology, it is necessary to develop a criminology from the standpoint of women.

At first glance this may appear to be gender biased against the needs and views of men.

However, this claim is based on a position developed by Nancy Hartsock known as standpoint feminism. According to Marx Marx , Lucacs privilege blinds people to the realities of the world meaning that the powerless have a clearer view of the world — the poor see the wealth of the rich and their own poverty, whilst the rich are inured, shielded from, or in denial about the sufferings of the poor. From their position of powerlessness they are more capable of revealing the truth about the world than any 'malestream' paradigm ever can. Thus there are two key strands in feminist criminological thought; that criminology can be made gender aware and thus gender neutral; or that that criminology must be gender positive and adopt standpoint feminism.

Cutting across these two distinctions, feminists can be placed largely into four main groupings: liberal, radical, Marxist, and socialist Jaggar Liberal feminists are concerned with discrimination on the grounds of gender and its prevalence in society and seek to end such discrimination. Such ends are sought through engagement with existing structures such as governments and legal frameworks, rather than by challenging modes of gender construction or hegemonic patriarchy Hoffman Bustamante , Adler , Simon , Edwards Thus liberal feminists are more or less content to work within the system to change it from within using its existing structures.

Critical feminists — radical feminists, Marxists, and socialists — are keen to stress the need to dispense with masculine systems and structures. Radical feminists see the roots of female oppression in patriarchy, perceiving its perpetrators as primarily aggressive in both private and public spheres, violently dominating women by control of their sexuality through pornography, rape Brownmiller , and other forms of sexual violence, thus imposing upon them masculine definitions of womanhood and women's roles, particularly in the family. The production of surplus value requires that the man who works in the capitalist's factory, pit, or office, requires a secondary, unpaid worker — the woman — to keep him fit for his labours, by providing the benefits of a home — food, keeping house, raising his children, and other comforts of family.

Thus, merely in order to be fit to sell his labour, the proletarian man needs to 'keep' a support worker with the already meagre proceeds of his labour. Hence women are left with virtually no economic resources and are thus seen to exist within an economic trap that is an inevitable outcome of capitalist production. Socialist feminists attempt to steer a path between the radical and the Marxist views, identifying capitalist patriarchy as the source of women's oppression Danner Thus neither capitalist production nor patriarchy is privileged in the production of women's oppression, powerlessness, and economic marginalization.

Socialist feminists believe that gender based oppression can only be overcome by creating a non-patriarchal, non-capitalist society, and that attempting merely to modify the status quo from within perpetuates the very system that generates inequalities. Of significant importance in understanding the positions of most of the feminists above is that gender is taken to be a social construct.

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That is, the differences between men and women are not by and large biological essentialism but are insociated from an early age and are defined by existing patriarchal categories of womanhood. In the face of this pacifying or passive image of women, feminist criminologists wish to generate a discursive and real extended space within which expressions of women's own views of their identity and womanhood may emerge. A major strand of criticism is leveled at what it is argued is its ethnocentrism Rice , Mama , Ahluwalia , that is, that in its silence on the experience of black women it is as biased as male criminology in its ignorance of the experience of women.

Criminology, claim these writers, is sexist and racist and that both errors need to be corrected. A significant number of criticisms are leveled at feminist criminology by Pat Carlen in an important paper from Carlen Among Carlen's criticisms is that of an apparent inability of feminist criminology to reconcile theoretical insight with political reality, exhibiting a 'theoreticist, libertarian, separatist and gender-centric tendenc[y]'.

She suggests that this libertarianism reflects itself in a belief that crime reduction policies can be achieved without some form of 'social engineering'. Further criticizing feminism's libertarian streak, Carlen suggests that feminists injunction to allow women to speak for themselves reveals a separatist tendency, arguing that what feminists call for is merely good social science and should be extended to let all classes of humans speak for themselves.

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This separatism, claims Carlen, further manifests itself in a refusal to accept developments in mainstream criminology branding them 'malestream' or in other pejorative terms. In criminology, the postmodernist school applies postmodernism to the study of crime and criminals, and understands "criminality" as a product of the power to limit the behaviour of those individuals excluded from power, but who try to overcome social inequality and behave in ways which the power structure prohibits. It focuses on the identity of the human subject, multiculturalism , feminism, and human relationships to deal with the concepts of "difference" and "otherness" without essentialism or reductionism , but its contributions are not always appreciated Carrington: Postmodernists shift attention from Marxist concerns of economic and social oppression to linguistic production, arguing that criminal law is a language to create dominance relationships.

For example, the language of courts the so-called "legalese" expresses and institutionalises the domination of the individual, whether accused or accuser, criminal or victim, by social institutions.

Inhoudsopgave

According to postmodernist criminology, the discourse of criminal law is dominant, exclusive and rejecting, less diverse, and culturally not pluralistic , exaggerating narrowly defined rules for the exclusion of others. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For the academic journal, see Critical Criminology journal.

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All of the above conflict perspectives see individuals as being inequitably constrained by powerful and largely immutable structures, although they to varying degrees accord to humans a degree of agency. Ultimately, however, the relatively powerless are seen as being repressed by societal structures of governance or economics.

Even left realists who have been criticised for being 'conservative' not least by Cohen , see the victim and the offender as being subject to systems of injustice and deprivation from which victimising behaviour emerges. It is important to keep in mind that conflict theory while derived from Marxism, is distinct from it. Marxism is an ideology, accordingly it is not empirically tested.


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Conversely, conflict theory is empirically falsifiable and thus, distinct from Marxism Cao, Conflict Criminologies have come under sustained attack from several quarters, not least from those — left realists — who claim to be within the ranks. Early criminologies, pejoratively referred to as 'left idealist' by Jock Young , were never really popular in the United States, where critical criminology departments at some universities were closed for political reasons Rock Thus notions that crimes like robbery were somehow primitive forms of wealth redistribution were shown to be false.

Further attacks emanated from feminists who maintained that the victimisation of women was no mean business and that left idealists' concentration on the crimes of the working classes that could be seen as politically motivated ignored crimes such as rape, domestic violence, or child abuse Smart Furthermore, it was claimed, left idealists neglected the comparative aspect of the study of crime, in that they ignored the significant quantities of crime in socialist societies, and ignored the low crime levels in capitalist societies like Switzerland and Japan Incardi Feminism in criminology is more than the mere insertion of women into masculine perspectives of crime and criminal justice, for this would suggest that conventional criminology was positively gendered in favour of the masculine.

Feminists contend that previous perspectives are un-gendered and as such ignore the gendered experiences of women. Feminist theorists are engaged in a project to bring a gendered dimension to criminological theory. They are also engaged in a project to bring to criminological theory insights to be gained from an understanding of taking a particular standpoint, that is, the use of knowledge gained through methods designed to reveal the experience of the real lives of women.

The primary claim of feminists is that social science in general and criminology in particular represents a male perspective upon the world in that it focuses largely upon the crimes of men against men. Moreover, arguably the most significant criminological fact of all, namely that women commit significantly less crime than men, is hardly engaged with either descriptively or explanatory in the literature. In other words, it is assumed that explanatory models developed to explain male crime are taken to be generalizable to women in the face of the extraordinary evidence to the contrary.

The conclusion that must be drawn is that not only can those theories not be generalized to women, but that that failure might suggest they may not explain adequately male crime either Edwards , Messerschmidt , Caulfield and Wonders However, as Menzies and Chunn argue, it is not adequate merely to 'insert' women into 'malestream' criminology, it is necessary to develop a criminology from the standpoint of women. At first glance this may appear to be gender biased against the needs and views of men. However, this claim is based on a position developed by Nancy Hartsock known as standpoint feminism.

According to Marx Marx , Lucacs privilege blinds people to the realities of the world meaning that the powerless have a clearer view of the world — the poor see the wealth of the rich and their own poverty, whilst the rich are inured, shielded from, or in denial about the sufferings of the poor. From their position of powerlessness they are more capable of revealing the truth about the world than any 'malestream' paradigm ever can.

Thus there are two key strands in feminist criminological thought; that criminology can be made gender aware and thus gender neutral; or that that criminology must be gender positive and adopt standpoint feminism. Cutting across these two distinctions, feminists can be placed largely into four main groupings: liberal, radical, Marxist, and socialist Jaggar Liberal feminists are concerned with discrimination on the grounds of gender and its prevalence in society and seek to end such discrimination. Such ends are sought through engagement with existing structures such as governments and legal frameworks, rather than by challenging modes of gender construction or hegemonic patriarchy Hoffman Bustamante , Adler , Simon , Edwards Thus liberal feminists are more or less content to work within the system to change it from within using its existing structures.

Critical feminists — radical feminists, Marxists, and socialists — are keen to stress the need to dispense with masculine systems and structures. Radical feminists see the roots of female oppression in patriarchy, perceiving its perpetrators as primarily aggressive in both private and public spheres, violently dominating women by control of their sexuality through pornography, rape Brownmiller , and other forms of sexual violence, thus imposing upon them masculine definitions of womanhood and women's roles, particularly in the family.

06 Ethnicity, Crime and Justice

The production of surplus value requires that the man who works in the capitalist's factory, pit, or office, requires a secondary, unpaid worker — the woman — to keep him fit for his labours, by providing the benefits of a home — food, keeping house, raising his children, and other comforts of family.

Thus, merely in order to be fit to sell his labour, the proletarian man needs to 'keep' a support worker with the already meagre proceeds of his labour. Hence women are left with virtually no economic resources and are thus seen to exist within an economic trap that is an inevitable outcome of capitalist production.

Socialist feminists attempt to steer a path between the radical and the Marxist views, identifying capitalist patriarchy as the source of women's oppression Danner Thus neither capitalist production nor patriarchy is privileged in the production of women's oppression, powerlessness, and economic marginalization.

Socialist feminists believe that gender based oppression can only be overcome by creating a non-patriarchal, non-capitalist society, and that attempting merely to modify the status quo from within perpetuates the very system that generates inequalities. Of significant importance in understanding the positions of most of the feminists above is that gender is taken to be a social construct. That is, the differences between men and women are not by and large biological essentialism but are insociated from an early age and are defined by existing patriarchal categories of womanhood.

In the face of this pacifying or passive image of women, feminist criminologists wish to generate a discursive and real extended space within which expressions of women's own views of their identity and womanhood may emerge.